Almost fifteen years after the end of the Cold War, the process of creating a "Europe whole and free" is incomplete and likely to be so for the foreseeable future. In this volume, a group of highly distinguished contributors from both East and West examines the complicated and multi-faceted process of NATO and EU enlargement in the context of the changed global situation since the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001. This book examines the enlargement processes not only from the perspective of the West and western institutions, but also from the point of view of the former communist countries. If an enlarged NATO and EU are to be stable and successful in the long run, they must take account of the wishes and interests of both their new, former-communist members and those European states that will not become members of either NATO or the EU in the foreseeable future Contributors include Christopher Bobinski (Unia & Polska), Vladimir Baranovsky (Institute of the World Economy and International Relations), Heather Grabbe (Center for European Reform), Karl-Heinz Kamp (Konrad Adenauer Foundation), Charles King (Georgetown University), Alexander J. Motyl (Center for Global Change and Governance), Zaneta Ozolina (University of Latvia), Alexander Sergounin (Nizhny Novgorod Linguistic University), William Wallace (London School of Economics), and Leonid Zaiko (Strategy Center).
Dmitri Trenin Books
Dmitri Trenin is a Senior Associate of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and Deputy Director of the Carnegie Moscow Center.






Russian Security Strategy Under Putin
- 49 pages
- 2 hours of reading
"Increasingly, the armed forces and a vision of security as emphasizing hard rather than soft security have come to the fore in Moscow's national security policy process. Due to this institutionally-driven vision, Russia sees itself facing increasing military-political and strategic threats all along its frontiers. Recent Russian policies reflect that perception and Moscow's adaptation to it. We may think this threat perception to be misguided, even bizarrely misconceived, given our own beliefs about what American policy is and what its goals are. Nevertheless, the strongest forces in the Russian policy community have bought into that vision and have made policy accordingly. Therefore, the key point that readers should take as they read these papers together is that Russian and American perspectives and policies are mutually interactive. They do not take place in a strategic vacuum devoid of all context, and develop to a considerable degree in response to the other side's activities and rhetoric. Neither we nor Russia can act in disregard of the fact that our actions have consequences and that other state actors in Eurasia, as elsewhere, also have a vote in shaping the context of international affairs and in the day-to-day conduct of U.S. and Russian national security policy" -- p. v.
Russia
- 224 pages
- 8 hours of reading
In this book, leading Russia scholar Dmitri Trenin accompanies readers on Russia's rollercoaster journey from revolution to post-war devastation, perestroika to Putin's stabilization of post-communist Russia.--Provided by publisher.
End of Eurasia
Russia on the Border Between Geopolitics and Globalization
- 354 pages
- 13 hours of reading
Ten years after the breakup of the Soviet Union, the issue of Russia's international identity still remains largely unresolved. In this thought- provoking book, Dmitri Trenin argues that Russia must join the West by becoming integrated with the European Union and by building an alliance with the United States.
В докладе сравниваются представления Москвы и Пекина о национальной безопасности и разъясняется, каким образом они определяют политику России и Китая в отношении друг друга. Отношения между двумя странами в начале нового столетия кардинально изменились. Сегодня «китайский фактор» существенно влияет на курс России в целом ряде сфер внутренней и внешней политики. В докладе показано, что, хотя Россия не занимает центрального места во внешней политике Китая и никак не влияет на его внутреннюю политику, хорошие отношения с Москвой представляют собой важный элемент общей стратегии Пекина