Francis Fukuyama Book order

A TIMES BEST PHILOSOPHY & IDEAS BOOK OF 2022A defence of liberalism by the renowned political philosopher'We need more thinkers as wise as Fukuyama digging their fingers into the soil of our predicament' The New York Times'A brilliantly acute summary of the way some aspects of liberal thought have consumed themselves' Guardian'One of the West's most interesting public intellectuals' Times'Hard to think of a better case for liberal centrism' FTLiberalism - the comparatively mild-mannered sibling to the more ardent camps of nationalism and socialism - has never been so divisive as today. From Putin's populism, the Trump administration and autocratic rulers in democracies the world over, it has both thrived and failed under identity politics, authoritarianism, social media and a weakened free press the world over.Since its inception following the post-Reformation wars, liberalism has come under attack from conservatives and progressives alike, and today is dismissed by many as an 'obsolete doctrine'. In this brilliant and concise exposition, Francis Fukuyama sets out the cases for and against its classical observing the rule of law, independence of judges, means over ends, and most of all, tolerance.Pithy, to the point, and ever pertinent, this is political dissection at its very best.

»Intelligent und klar – wir brauchen mehr Denker, die so weise sind wie Fukuyama.« The New York Times In den letzten zehn Jahren ist die Anzahl der demokratischen Staaten weltweit erschreckend schnell zurückgegangen. Erleben wir gerade das Ende der liberalen Demokratie? Der US-amerikanische Politikwissenschaftler Francis Fukuyama, Autor des Weltbestsellers Das Ende der Geschichte, sucht in seinem neuen Buch nach den Gründen, warum sich immer mehr Menschen antidemokratischen Strömungen zuwenden und den Liberalismus ablehnen. Er zeigt, warum die Politik der Stunde geprägt ist von Nationalismus und Wut, welche Rolle linke und rechte Parteien bei dieser Entwicklung spielen, und was wir tun können, um unsere gesellschaftliche Identität und damit die liberale Demokratie wieder zu beleben. »Einer der bedeutendsten Politikwissenschaftler der westlichen Welt.« Die Welt

In 2014, Francis Fukuyama wrote that American and global institutions were in a state of decay, as the state was captured by powerful interest groups. Two years later, his predictions were borne out by the rise to power of a series of political outsiders whose economic nationalism and authoritarian tendencies threatens to destabilise the entire international order. These populist nationalists seek direct charismatic connection to 'the people', who are usually defined in narrow identity terms that offer an irresistible call to an in-group and exclude large parts of the population as a whole.The demands of identity direct much of what is going on in world politics today. The universal recognition on which liberal democracy is based has been increasingly challenged by restrictive forms of recognition based on nation, religion, sect, race, ethnicity, or gender, which have resulted in anti-immigrant populism, the upsurge of politicised Islam, the fractious environment of many college campuses, and the hideous emergence of white nationalism.Identity is an urgent and necessary book: a sharp warning that unless we forge a universal understanding of human dignity, we will doom ourselves to continual conflict.

Podtitul: Od průmyslové revoluce po globalizaci demokracie. Podle britského Guardianu budeme jednou dvojici knih Původ politického řádu a Politický řád a úpadek Francise Fukuyamy (* 1952) vnímat jako životní dílo tohoto amerického politologa japonského původu. Ve druhé knize s podtitulem Od průmyslové revoluce po globalizaci demokracie sleduje Fukuyama historický vývoj od Francouzské revoluce po arabské jaro s důrazem na nefunkčnost, a tedy úpadek současného amerického politického života. Autor si všímá toho, zda a jak transparentní právní systém a vůle lidu udržují ústřední moc pod kontrolou. Zkoumá rovněž dopady korupce na státní správu a způsoby, jakými se ji v některých společnostech podařilo vymýtit. Rozebírá odkaz kolonialismu v Latinské Americe, Africe i Asii a pokouší se vysvětlit, proč se některým regionům dařilo a rozvinuly se rychleji než jiné. I přes celosvětovou krizi střední třídy a politickou paralýzu Západu však Fukuyama s demokracií i nadále počítá.

In The Origins of Political Order, Francis Fukuyama took us from the dawn of mankind to the French and American Revolutions. Here, he picks up the thread again in the second instalment of his definitive account of mankind's emergence as a political animal.This is the story of how state, law and democracy developed after these cataclysmic events, how the modern landscape - with its uneasy tension between dictatorships and liberal democracies - evolved and how in the United States and in other developed democracies, unmistakable signs of decay have emerged. If we want to understand the political systems that dominate and order our lives, we must first address their origins - in our own recent past as well as in the earliest systems of human government. Fukuyama argues that the key to successful government can be reduced to three key elements: a strong state, the rule of law, and institutions of democratic accountability.This magisterial account is required reading for anyone wishing to know more about mankind's greatest achievements.

Nations are not trapped by their pasts, but events that happened hundreds or even thousands of years ago continue to exert huge influence on present-day politics. If we are to understand the politics that we now take for granted, we need to understand its origins. Francis Fukuyama examines the paths that different societies have taken to reach their current forms of political order. This book starts with the very beginning of mankind and comes right up to the eve of the French and American revolutions, spanning such diverse disciplines as economics, anthropology and geography. The Origins of Political Order is a magisterial study on the emergence of mankind as a political animal, by one of the most eminent political thinkers writing today.

Attacking the right-wing policymakers he had associated with, the author argues that the Bush administration, in the war in Iraq, has wrongly applied the principles of neoconservatism. He provides an approach, which emphasizes the importance of solving the problem of development and of creating multiple international institutions.

Weak or failed states - where no government is in control - are the source of many of the world's most serious problems, from poverty, AIDS and drugs to terrorism. What can be done to help? The problem of weak states and the need for state-building has existed for many years, but it has been urgent since September 11 and Afghanistan and Iraq. The formation of proper public institutions, such as an honest police force, uncorrupted courts, functioning schools and medical services and a strong civil service, is fraught with difficulties. We know how to help with resources, people and technology across borders, but state building requires methods that are not easily transported. The ability to create healthy states from nothing has suddenly risen to the top of the world agenda. State building has become a crucial matter of global security. In this hugely important book, Francis Fukuyama explains the concept of state-building and discusses the problems and causes of state weakness and its national and international effects.

The book emphasizes the significant challenges posed by weak states in the global landscape, highlighting how they contribute to strategic instability. It advocates for the necessity of constructing new nation-states as a solution to these problems, exploring the implications of state strength on international relations and security. Through this analysis, the author calls for a reevaluation of state-building efforts to address the complexities of modern governance and geopolitical dynamics.